dzanga_sangha-impact

  • Displacement: The park and reserve area were supposed to be designed to avoid relocation of villages. However some local and indigenous populations were displaced when the Dzanga-Sangha Protected Area Complex was created (Woodburne, 2009: 22-23) and Schmidt-Soltau (2009).
  • Livelihoods: Local and indigenous communities have access to natural resources for consumption but not for commercial trading. Traditional hunting is permitted within the whole reserve (MEFCP 2011: 65). According to a WWF (2013:15) case study, the Baka have been affected by the limits of their traditional hunting grounds by the nearby Dzanga-Ndoki National Park. Inhabitants of the area have expressed that the lands dedicated to their subsistence have been taken over for other purposes and, in conjunction with the new hunting rules, this has made them feel “that they are becoming poorer, and that their rights are being undermined” (Nelson 2008). Research has shown ‘plummeting health’ among Bayaka in Dzanga-Sangha due largely to malnutrition and punitive anti-poaching measures (Hardin et al, 2014). They are forced to look for food in the park due to overhunting in the rest of the protected area complex (Mogba and Freudenberger, 1998: 131)
  • Conflicts: No information available.
  • Reported human rights abuses:   There are reports of violence at the hands of wildlife guards, who sometimes beat them and confiscate their belongings, even when hunting legally (Woodburne 2009:20, Survival International, 2018, Hodgkinson 2009:233, Amougou and Woodburne 2014:108). Bayaka wildlife guards and porters report widespread discrimination against Bayaka (Woodburne, 2012:170).
  • Income generating activities: According to WWF’s website, 40% of the revenues from the park are supposed to go to the “local community, to promote rural development projects based on the sustainable use of natural resources”. WWF launched a gorilla habituation project that employed nearly 50 Baka trackers in 2013 (WWF 2013: 16). There are also some employment opportunities as eco-guards or tour guides. These jobs are reportedly highly valued by the Baka (Woodburne 2009: 11). A major complaint, however, is that these are some of the lowest paid jobs and most do not have contracts, providing poor job security and reducing benefits. Few Baka women have been employed by the project (Woodburne 2009: 11).
  • Presence of indigenous peoples: There are some indigenous Baka people in and around the reserve.
  • Prior consultation: No consent was sought from the Baka prior to the creation of the reserve (Woodburne 2009: 18).
  • Participation and consultation: Consultation processes were conducted by GTZ after the establishment of the protected area, however the Baka feel they have never been adequately consulted and thus have no control over tourism activities, even where they are themselves the main attractions (Yanggen et al, 2010). Although the CAR Forest Code provides for participatory management by a committee, composed of representatives from interested parties, including indigenous peoples, meetings have suffered from poor attendance by community representatives. Locals do not feel their opinion is being taken into account in the decision-making  process (Woodburne 2009: 11).  From 2012 to 2015, WWF implemented the “Dzanga-Sangha Youth Initiative” which aims to strengthen indigenous identities and grow participation by the local population (WWF 2013: 9,16).